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By Bruce K. Rutherford

Egypt's autocratic regime is being weakened via financial crises, turning out to be political competition, and the pressures of globalization. Observers now ask yourself which manner Egypt will cross whilst the country's getting older president, Husni Mubarak, passes from the scene: will it embody Western-style liberalism and democracy? Or will it turn into an Islamic theocracy just like Iran? Egypt after Mubarak demonstrates that either secular and Islamist rivals of the regime are navigating a center course which may bring about a uniquely Islamic type of liberalism and, maybe, democracy.

Bruce Rutherford examines the political and ideological battles that force Egyptian politics and form the clients for democracy during the sector. He argues that secularists and Islamists are converging round a reform schedule that helps key components of liberalism, together with constraints on kingdom strength, the rule of thumb of legislation, and security of a few civil and political rights. yet will this deepening liberalism result in democracy? And what can the USA do to determine that it does? In answering those questions, Rutherford indicates that Egypt's reformers are reluctant to extend the public's function in politics. this means that, whereas liberalism is probably going to growth gradually sooner or later, democracy's enhance can be sluggish and uneven.

crucial studying on a subject matter of worldwide value, Egypt after Mubarak attracts upon in-depth interviews with Egyptian judges, attorneys, Islamic activists, politicians, and businesspeople. It additionally makes use of significant courtroom rulings, political files of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the writings of Egypt's prime modern Islamic thinkers.

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Additional info for Egypt after Mubarak: Liberalism, Islam, and Democracy in the Arab World

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Self-­proclaimed liberals remain fragmented politically, unable to unify behind a single leadership or a shared platform. They have also proven unable to organize at the grassroots level to build a broad electoral base to back their goals. 92 However, the strength of this commitment appears shallow. It has compromised the civil rights of citizens on numerous occasions, most notably by trying 12,000 civilians before military courts during its first year in office and moving very slowly to prosecute alleged human rights abuses by soldiers.

The behavior of international actors: The key international actor is the United States. It has attempted to push Egypt in a democratic direction with rhetorical statements and support for democracy-­promotion programs. To date, these efforts have backfired. The rhetoric is regarded as insincere, due to America’s long-­standing support for Mubarak. S. S. military aid. 3 billion per year, it accounts for roughly one-third of the military’s official budget. If the United States decides to support a fully democratic Constitution, it could make clear that the continuation of this aid is contingent on the military accepting full civilian authority (or, at least, accepting civilian authority that is phased in over a period of time).

8 William B. Quandt, “American Policy toward Democratic Political Movements in the Middle East,” in Rules and Rights in the Middle East: Democracy, Law, and Society, ed. Ellis Goldberg et al. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993), 166. 4 • Chapter One were opportunities to promote democracy, they were pursued either halfheartedly or not at all. For example, in late 1991 and early 1992, Algeria’s president made the surprising decision to allow relatively free parliamentary elections. They led to widespread losses for the ruling party and unexpected success for an Islamist movement, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS).

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