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By Gaby Mahlberg

Eu Contexts for English Republicanism deals new views on early sleek English republicanism via its concentrate on the Continental reception of and engagement with seventeenth-century English thinkers and political occasions. having a look either at political principles and on the people who formed them, the gathering examines English republican proposal in its wider ecu context throughout the later 17th and eighteenth century. In a couple of case reports, the members determine the several ways that English republican rules weren't in basic terms formed by means of the idea of the ancients, but in addition through modern authors from everywhere Europe, reminiscent of Hugo Grotius or Christoph Besold. They show that English republican thinkers didn't purely act in discussion with Continental authors and students, their principles in flip additionally left an enduring legacy in Europe as they have been acquired, reworked and positioned to new makes use of through thinkers in France, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany and Poland.Far from being an completely transatlantic affair, as a lot of the validated scholarship indicates, English republican concept additionally left its legacy at the ecu Continent, discovering its method into wider debates concerning the rights and wrongs of the English Civil conflict and the character of presidency, whereas later translations of English republican works additionally stimulated the most important thinkers of the French Revolution and the liberals of the 19th century. Bringing jointly more than a few clean and unique essays via British and eu students within the box of early glossy highbrow historical past and English experiences, this number of essays revises a one-sided method of English republicanism and widens the scope of research past linguistic and nationwide barriers via English republicans and their continental networks and legacy.

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European Contexts for English Republicanism 18 In the mid-seventeenth century the monarchy broke down, and alternatives to it were adopted and proposed. Yet for adventurous discussions of the character of monarchy before that time we have to look not to the early Stuart period, when the Civil Wars approached, but to the Tudor regime before it. The most adventurous ones belonged to the reign of Henry VIII. 14 Nonetheless More’s account of the rottenness of European society centres on the impotence of the virtuous counselling of kings.

No other form of rule would have been possible without a degree of constitutional innovation of which, in that frantic and desperate time, no one conceived. In 1642, another frantic and desperate time, Parliament had bypassed the royal veto, seized executive power and raised an army against a king who had betrayed his trust. At that time Lords and Commons had claimed sovereign power in order to get round the dereliction of the king. In 1649 the Commons used the same method to get round the dereliction of king and Lords.

From the gingerly and hesitant language which explained the end of kingship we can turn to the bold and unambiguous resolutions passed by the Commons on 4 January 1649. 38 The resolutions were needed not merely to demonstrate the accountability of the king to the Parliament which tried him, but to legitimize the Commons’ readiness to bypass the House of Lords, which would never have endorsed the regicide. The assertion of the principle of the sovereignty of the Commons did not, by itself, imply the removal of the Whitelocke, Memorials, vol.

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