By Michael Lewyn
This booklet indicates how suburban sprawl is no less than in part a outcome of presidency spending and rules, and indicates anti-sprawl regulations which can make executive smaller and/or much less intrusive.
Thus, the booklet responds to the generally held view that automobile-dependent suburban improvement (also referred to as “suburban sprawl”) is a typical results of the unfastened industry and of affluence, and as a result can't be altered with out significant govt rules.
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Extra info for Government Intervention and Suburban Sprawl: The Case for Market Urbanism
321 (1983) (upholding such residency requirements). 82 See Michael Lewyn, How Real is Gentriﬁcation? 43 REAL EST. J. 344, 346 (2014) (citing examples) (“Gentriﬁcation”); supra notes 6–8 and accompanying text (pointing out that cities generally poorer than suburbs). 83 See Hertz, supra (citing example). 84 My own life presents an example. From grades K-5, I attended Jackson Elementary, a highly-reputed Atlanta neighborhood school with very few lowincome children. But for middle school, my address put me in the attendance zone for Sutton, a school which drew not only from Jackson’s rich neighborhood but from poorer areas as well.
44 Thus, sprawl-generating highways place transit users in a vicious cycle: highways create highway-dependent suburbs, causing reduced transit ridership, which in turn is used to justify reduced transit, which in turn causes ridership to decline even more. Second, the federal government has burdened transit agencies with unfunded mandates that reduce the positive impact of federal transit subsidies. 47 Other costly federal mandates include federally 42 Utt, supra. See supra note 20 (noting level of transit spending).
But Brown, standing alone, did not affect all urban schools. Although the Court had outlawed explicit segregation by race, it had not yet addressed the constitutionality of facially neutral policies that tended to place white students in mostly-white schools. 91 So in the late 1950s and early 1960s, whites in the most integrated neighborhoods were still subject 86 In 1959, 56 percent of blacks lived below the poverty level, more than three times the white poverty level of 18 percent. See United States Department of Commerce, Poverty in the United States: 1959 to 1968, at 1, at https://www.