Download Heidegger's Volk: Between National Socialism and Poetry by James Phillips PDF

By James Phillips

In 1933 the thinker Martin Heidegger declared his allegiance to Hitler. Ever on account that, students have requested to what volume his paintings is implicated in Nazism. to handle this question effectively consists of neither conflating Nazism and the continued philosophical undertaking that's Heidegger's legacy, nor absolving Heidegger and, within the procedure, turning a deaf ear to what he himself referred to as the philosophical motivations for his political engagement. you will need to determine the phrases on which Heidegger aligned himself with nationwide Socialism. at the foundation of an premature yet not at all unparalleled knowing of the undertaking of the German humans, the thinker first joined yet then additionally criticized the stream. An exposition of Heidegger's belief of Volk therefore can and needs to deal with its benefits and deficiencies as a reaction to the long-lasting deadlock in modern political philosophy of the difficulty among liberalism and authoritarianism.

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Derrida contends in Of Spirit that, with his opposition to the biologism of National Socialism, Heidegger lapses into the metaphysics of subjectity: One cannot demarcate oneself from biologism, from naturalism, from racism in its genetic form, one cannot be opposed to them except by reinscribing spirit in an oppositional determination, by once again making it a unilaterality of subjectity, even if in its voluntarist form. ^ Derrida's criticism turns upon a direct association of oppositional determination with the metaphysics of subjectity.

47 There is nothing of the biological in this definition. Whoever loves freedom is German. By 1808, le peuple of the French Revolution, which had defined itself by its love of freedom rather than by national characteristics, had shown, through its submission to the Napoleonic dictatorship, the spuriousness of its love of freedom. In contrast, the Germans, so long as they combat their oppression, are seen as the people that loves freedom and are hence the people. And this people, regardless of the speaker, is also always "our" people because it is the people that stands closest to us in the philosophically original freedom of humanity.

Heidegger's clarificatory intervention was too exceptional a gesture, and its circumstances too obviously crucial to the casting of his postwar reputation, for anything here to be straightforward. Thirteen years later, the interview with Der Spiegel on September 23,1966, "Nur ein Gott kann uns noch retten" ("Only a God Can Save Us"), is perhaps even more tortuous. There the rectorship becomes a series of compromises with the NSDAP, and any tie between Heidegger's thinking and the regime is pushed into the background: any attempt at an exposition of this tie is taken as little more than Introduction 31 a foray into persecution.

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