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By Ib Bondebjerg, Peter Madsen

Media, Democracy and ecu tradition offers up to date and state-of-the-art learn at the political and cultural measurement of democracy in Europe and its illustration within the media.  This interdisciplinary quantity brings jointly the paintings of a few of the main trendy eu students in media, political technological know-how, sociology, cultural experiences and legislations. The individuals discover problems with globalization, the function of the media and conversation coverage to reserve to supply a comparative country-to-country examine how the media constructs ecu id. This well timed and forward-looking assortment may be of curiosity to students of media, foreign and cultural experiences.

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This stance was motivated by the allegation that ‘by global standards European media companies tend to be small and fragmented’. They, therefore, ‘needed’ enlargement via takeovers in new markets and wider investment opportunities ‘to face up to American and Japanese competition’ (Rawlings 1994: 355). 19 For these players, the fact that, politically, this is a sui generis market, indispensable to democratic politics, makes no sense. They seek economic power compounded by political power, as this was crystallized, extremely, in the case of Berlusconi’s Italy.

Paradoxical though it is, all those choosing a programme X, as their ‘last choice’, collectively raise that programme into a ‘mass appealing success’, moving it to the top of the ratings. ‘Lowest-common- The Political Economy of the Media at the Root of the EU’s Democracy Deficit | 31 denominator programming’ thus prevails, granting economies of scale. The total sum of those watching their second, third, etc. choice, cumulatively adds up to a huge number of viewers. This mechanism is called Hotelling’s principle (Cave 1989; Peacock Report 1986).

This remarkable omission was perfectly in line with the EC’s economism and its conception of the media as a strategic economic instrument for commodification. So, at that conjuncture, the EC was the ideal tool for the onslaught of economistic transnationalization. Social responsibility or a politically proactive media policy (Gurevitch and Blumler 1990: 280; Stepp 1990: 186–201) was inconceivable. 12 The entire cycle of commercialized television and its astronomical turnovers are paid for by the end-users of advertised products as a percentage of product-prices.

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