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By Marina Sitrin

Praise for Marina Sitrin's earlier works:

"'Another international is feasible' was once the catch-phrase of the area Social discussion board, however it wasn't simply attainable; whereas the north was once dreaming, that international used to be and is being equipped and lived in lots of components of the worldwide south. With the analytical perception of a political thinker, the investigative zeal of a reporter, and the guts of a sister, Marina Sitrin has immersed herself in a single of the main radical and demanding of those different worlds and taken us again tales, voices, and possibilities."—Rebecca Solnit

"Through her deeply respectful documentary modifying, Marina Sitrin has produced a piece that embodies the values and practices it portrays."—Naomi Klein and Avi Lewis

While the worldwide Occupy move is largely obvious as exceptional, its language and organizing practices are formed and encouraged by means of varied historic precedents within the usa and all over the world. Marina Sitrin and Dario Azzellini introduce the reader to the idea and practices of the move and discover linkages and connections towards the dream of a standard language of fight, justice, democracy, and liberation.

Marina Sitrin is an writer and activist. An early organizer of the Occupy circulate, she has been interviewed in Rolling Stone, The ny Times, Democracy Now! and more.

Dario Azzellini is an activist, author, and filmmaker. he's a lecturer on the Johannes Kepler college (Linz, Austria) and holds PhDs in political technology and sociology. His most modern e-book, including Immanuel Ness, is Ours to grasp and to Own.

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Extra info for Occupying Language

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The claim for voice and language is a claim for real democracy. , Kefaya! and even the language of ruptura/rupture itself. It is a break with past forms of organization and social relationships, and in the break lies the creation of new ways of being and organizing. This break creates new landscapes that reflect a shift in power relationships, witnessed in multiple ways: from new ways of seeing and being from within movements and society at large, to different dynamics with regard to institutional power.

People suddenly realized their potential collective power, and that with it they could even chase out a government. But it also showed that if they could not build their own structures of self-administration, old forms of institutional power could again return. The middle ranks of the army were the ones ordered to carry out the massacre. The outcome enforced the conviction among the already secretly organized leftist “Bolivarians”3 in the armed forces that it was necessary to act quickly to stop the regime.

There have been numerous historic epochs in which something massive and “new” sweeps the globe: the revolutions and revolts of the mid 1800s; the powerful working-class struggles of the early 1900s; the tremendous political and cultural shifts and anti-colonial struggles of the 1960s, to name only three. We believe we have entered another significant historic epoch. This one is marked by an ever-increasing global rejection of representative democracy and, simultaneously, a massive coming together of people who were not previously organized, using direct democratic forms to begin to reinvent ways of being together.

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